Proposal for the Principles of Unity of an Organized Maoist Party-Building Network

July 30, 2026 - L. Kynes
Theoretical

So, with all of that being said, what is there do? Are we to then simply unite with those merely on their words? No. We seek to build an organized network which stands firmly on Maoism and on definite party-building principles. This of course requires, and will require, much work by many hands. And it is firmly from this orientation of collective ability and cooperative interest where we may begin to struggle over the burning questions of our time in a much more productive way. For example, if you want to win people over to the universal contributions of Gonzalo, the network will allow you to plead your case and for there to be real debate over whether or not that’s correct.

Thus, these are the ideological and organizational principles we see as primary for the formation of a genuine party-building network and the possible contentions we believe exist1 as well as particular exclusions we believe are impermissible:

I. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is a living and breathing science to which the proletariat, the class that owns nothing but the sale of its labor-power, has as its guiding ideological tool in the violent overthrow of capitalism, the seizure of political power, the establishment of its class dictatorship over the bourgeoisie, and the pursuit of a Communist, classless society; the universal principles that stem from this science.

Possible Contentions:

  1. N/A

Exclusions:

  1. Trotskyism
  2. Social-reformism, social-democracy, and any possibility of a peaceful transition to socialism
  3. The negation of Stalin
  4. Anarchism and syndicalism
  5. Terrorism
  6. American exceptionalism

II. Maoism is the highest development of Marxism which reflects the universal contributions by Mao Zedong and the universal significance of the Chinese revolution and (especially) the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the development of the world Communist movement.

Possible contentions:

  1. The contributions of Gonzalo and the Peruvian Communist Party
  2. The synthesis of Maoism into “principally-Maoism”
  3. The universality of people’s war
  4. The contributions of Jose Maria Sison and the Communist Party of the Philippines
  5. The contributions of the Communist Party of India (Maoist)
  6. The contributions of Bob Avakian and the Revolutionary Communist Party (Prior to Avakian’s New Synthesis)

Exclusions:

  1. Avakian’s New Synthesis
  2. Prachanda’s Path
  3. Support for the current social-imperialist CCP initiated by Deng Xiaoping and others
  4. Support for the revisionist period of the USSR initiated by Nikita Khrushchev

III. The acknowledgment that we are without a vanguard Communist party—which is required for the success of proletarian revolution—and thus our most pressing task is to work to build one. The latter is the main purpose for this proposed organized network.

Possible contentions:

  1. Reconstitution
  2. Concentric construction
  3. Militarization of the party
  4. Party-building as either an open or closed (clandestine) process
  5. The implementation of democratic centralism
  6. The pre-party method

Exclusions:

  1. The party-building network is the party
  2. One’s own organization or existing pre-party is the vanguard/future vanguard

IV. The acknowledgment of the present and historical divide between the Maoist movement (and the broader Communist generally) and the working class movement and thus the pressing need to fuse the two movements by application of the mass line.

Possible contentions:

  1. Particular practical tasks which stem from this
  2. Methods and degree of propaganda, agitation, and education
  3. Whether propaganda or agitation is principle

Exclusions:

  1. Both movements are one and the same
  2. Fusion can only take place after the formation of a party
  3. Fusion is exclusively party-building
  4. Pragmatism and rejection of theory
  5. Both movements must remain separate; economism

V. Due to the fact that no single group within our movement is recognized as its ideological leaders in this period of disarray in the same way as, for example, the Emancipation of Labor Group or Iskra was for the Russian Marxists, the subordination of one’s group to the interests of the party-building network is required; groups can (and should) be represented but cannot assume leadership nor influence arbitrarily.

VI. The network’s objective must go beyond discussions among groups, extending to concerted scientific work and class analysis (with the base agreement being that this analysis is largely lacking); e.g. research into the political and economic development of American capitalism-imperialism, close investigatory work into the conditions, opinions, ideas, etc., of the masses, survey of other class forces, the development of the state, racism, sexism, etc., which should be published in a theoretical journal that is widely disseminated (including all major and minor disagreements).

This list is not meant to be exhaustive like the appendix in From the Circles to the Party. The reason being is that 1) these are general principles to which many groups and individuals can acknowledge while leaving room for real struggle on many differences of method, strategy, and tactics, etc., (as noted by the contentions) that will assuredly arise and 2) a much more in-depth draft of a “principles of unity” including logistics, security, etc., (as well as the election of a leading body in the form of a steering committee;2 not a central committee, as the latter could only come from the formation of the party) should be drafted up at an organized conference once the requisite forces have been amassed.

  1. In order for any of this to be a meaningful step, comrades must allow these contentions to exist insofar as there is an orientation towards fierce but comradely struggle over them. For instance, if some comrades find it absurd to contend the universality of people’s war, then that should be an even stronger reason to join the network as one should seek to win over the rest of the movement to that understanding, if indeed it is correct. (We also understand there to be many more contentions and exclusions, we merely seek to provide those most pronounced)
  2. On this point, a steering committee of any kind (a temporary and transitory collection of leading comrades to be clear) only works if all groups and individuals involved elect such a body and not, as is usually the case, allow a small clique of individuals to take the reigns themselves.
Previous Post Next Post